Williamson vs. Montgomery? The Battle Lines in Tennessee’s 7th District GOP Primary

With Congressman Mark Green’s resignation earlier this year, Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District suddenly became one of the most closely watched battlegrounds in the state. The Republican primary on October 7 will determine who carries the party’s banner into December’s special election. While eleven Republicans are on the ballot, much of the attention has focused on two men: Lee Reeves of Williamson County and Matt Van Epps of Montgomery County.

It would be premature to declare these two the inevitable finalists in such a crowded race, but the evidence suggests a developing storyline: Williamson County’s establishment power base versus Montgomery County’s grassroots and continuity camp.

The Williamson County Machine

Reeves, a state legislator and businessman, has built his campaign around Williamson County’s donor class and political establishment. His fundraising total is just over $569,000 as of mid-September filings, more than any other GOP candidate. That figure is bolstered by a $300,000 loan from his own pocket. He has also secured contributions from the U.S. Chamber of Commerce PAC, GOPAC, the National Association of Home Builders PAC, and the National Apartment Association PAC.

Reeves’ endorsements include more than 35 Republican elected officials in Williamson County. Every Republican mayor in the county—Franklin, Brentwood, Nolensville, Fairview, Spring Hill, and Thompson’s Station—is behind him. Multiple state legislators and over two dozen county commissioners have also offered their support. In terms of local organization, Reeves has near-total backing from the county’s Republican infrastructure.

On policy, Reeves has emphasized immigration enforcement, calling for an end to birthright citizenship and penalties for sanctuary cities. His message combines national populist themes with the pro-business conservatism common in Williamson’s fast-growing suburbs.

The Montgomery Counterweight

If Williamson represents Reeves’ base, Montgomery County is increasingly associated with Van Epps’ campaign. A West Point graduate and Army veteran, Van Epps has raised about $359,000 as of mid-September filings. Unlike Reeves, he has not leaned on personal loans. Much of his support has come through grassroots donations on the WinRed platform—about $160,000—and networks of Tennessee donors, along with contributions from Virginia-based conservatives.

Van Epps’ endorsements tell a different story. Mark Green, the retiring incumbent, has not only endorsed him but has campaigned alongside him in Clarksville. Congressman Jim Jordan of Ohio has also backed Van Epps, and his allied PAC has spent nearly $150,000 on advertising. Locally, Van Epps has earned the support of Montgomery and Robertson Counties District Attorney Robert Nash, Montgomery County Commissioner Michael Lankford, and Montgomery County Assessor of Property Erinne Hester. Hester drew a sharp line between Montgomery and Williamson when she remarked that Montgomery “does not have the luxury of money doing all the talking.”

Clarksville businessman Joe Maynard hosted a Van Epps event at Shelby’s Trio, underscoring his effort to anchor his campaign in Montgomery. Van Epps’ message centers on border security, drug trafficking, and cartel activity, linking national security concerns to Tennessee’s public safety. He presents himself as a conservative aligned with former President Trump while also casting his candidacy as a continuation of Green’s work in Congress.

Why Williamson vs. Montgomery Matters

This framing is not only symbolic but also rooted in vote totals. In the 2024 general election, Montgomery produced about 45,449 Republican votes, more than any other county in the district. Williamson delivered about 31,006 Republican votes. Robertson County accounted for 23,808, Dickson 17,677, and Cheatham 14,266. Smaller rural counties such as Humphreys, Hickman, Stewart, Wayne, Benton, Perry, Houston, and Decatur each added between 2,500 and 8,000 votes.

Together, Montgomery and Williamson make up nearly half of the Republican vote in the district. Robertson and Dickson contribute another fifth. This means that if Reeves consolidates Williamson and Van Epps secures Montgomery, the balance of the race may be decided in Robertson, Dickson, and the surrounding rural counties.

The Risks of a Simplified Story

Politics, however, is rarely tidy. Other candidates remain factors. Mason Foley has conserved cash more effectively than many rivals. Jody Barrett has strong name recognition in Dickson. Gino Bulso has built a credible profile from Williamson as well. In a crowded field where the winning candidate may need only 25 to 30 percent of the vote, even modest support for these contenders could shift the outcome.

And while Montgomery produced the most votes in 2024, Williamson has historically delivered high Republican turnout and significant fundraising. Reeves’ grip on Williamson’s political establishment could deliver organizational advantages in a special election where turnout is expected to be light.

The Bottom Line

With less than two weeks until the primary, the most likely storyline remains Reeves as the Williamson County candidate and Van Epps as the Montgomery County candidate. Reeves brings personal wealth, business PAC support, and the unified backing of Williamson officials. Van Epps counters with grassroots energy, national conservative endorsements, and the support of Montgomery leaders.

It may prove decisive that Montgomery is the larger vote base. Or it may be that Williamson’s political machinery delivers an advantage in a low-turnout primary. Or, as often happens in crowded fields, neither narrative plays out, and another candidate emerges with a surprise win.

For now, the Republican primary in Tennessee’s 7th District looks increasingly like a contest defined by two counties—Williamson and Montgomery—whose voters may soon decide which direction the party takes in filling Mark Green’s vacant seat.